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Inheriting Syria: Bashar’s Trial by Fire is an analysis of Syria’s current geo-political situation with suggestions for how to engage the country diplomatically and successfully.  Leverett argues Syria’s current political behavior follows a “script” Hafez al-Asad wrote for his son and successor, Bashar.  Leverett uses his book to describe this script and the major players in its creation and continuance after Hafez Asad’s death. 

The author describes Bashar al-Asad as constrained by the script his father wrote for him.  Leverett argues that Bashar is a closet reformer by pointing out some of the new policies he enacted or attempted to introduce.  Following his overtures, Bashar found himself limited by the desires of those who benefitted from the existing political and economic situation.  In this argument, Bashar is too inexperienced at his job to force through economic and political reforms; however, Bashar has spent–at the time of printing–about five years as President.  After five years, he should know how to run his country and introduce and execute policy.

Leverett outlines four possible routes for dealing with Syria, and concludes that strategies like sanctions and military campaigns to unseat the current regime are counterproductive to creating a more American-friendly Syria.  Leverett posits that the United States use “conditional engagement”: offering benefits for compliance as well as sanctions for noncompliance.  He argues that America has not pursued the “carrot and stick” policy consistently in the Middle East, and it has benefits that the Bush Administration failed to pursue.

The author details Syria’s support of Hezbollah and other militant programs.  These details are much-needed information concerning terrorism and support for terrorism in the Middle East.  The information is also essential to understanding why Syria supports and harbors various militant groups as part of its public policy program.  Specifically, Syria is too weak on its own to fight its regional enemies in a standard fight, so front groups like Hezbollah serve as proxy fighters on a much cheaper budget than a standing army in Syria.

Inheriting Syria is generally very clear and accessible.  He describes the major players within the country and how they operate in the country in a way that sheds light on how Syria works.  On that count, this manuscript is a worthwhile read to gain more insight into Syria and its leadership.  The text suffers from the argument that Bashar is a “closet reformer” constrained by inexperience and his father’s script.  Further, it seems too brief to cover the points in more depth, with a significant portion of the book filled in with Appendices and notes.   Overall, Inheriting Syria  is a good starting point, but it has too many potential gaps to be taken as the whole truth.

The Truth about Syria is an extended opinion piece, backed up with many sources.  The manuscript is highly colored by the author’s opinion–noticeably in the characterization of the Assad family as the mafia, and Bashar Assad as a “nerd.”  Rubin’s analysis of Syrian politics is consistent and deeply disturbing.  Unfortunately, the loaded descriptions and one-note arguments place a question mark on the validity of his analysis.

Rubin outlines the depth of Syrian support for terrorism in the Middle East.  For instance, Rubin states that Syria allows terrorist groups to train on their soil.  The government also pays terrorist groups to fight where Syria does not want to get its hands dirty.  Rubin details the extent to which the Assad regime controls the media, economy, military, and other vital areas of the country in order to keep public opinion on its side, often at the expense of quality of life.  Rubin characterizes the country’s atmosphere as less a place of fear like Iraq under Saddam.  Rather, many Syrians are pleased by the messages they receive about their country and its future in the Middle East.

On of Rubin’s recurring analyses centers around power maintenance.  In his analysis, the Assad regime has been occupied with consolidating and controlling all aspects of public and private opinion since its rise to power.  For instance, Rubin states that a significant portion of the country is employed or receives indirect payments from the government.  By extension, most families are touched by the money.  Loyalty to the government and its officials is thus won and solidified by money, keeping them from complaining about the regime.

Rubin’s core argument about the regime–power maintenance and no change–stems from the idea of “constant war.”  Without war, the public will be able to focus inward, on the many local issues that could cause people to dislike their government.  Thus, a state of constant warfare with Israel (and the United States) is in the regime’s best interest.  Syria will never end the war, and will sabotage any international efforts at peace by demanding reparations and conditions that will never be fulfilled.  The Assad regime will not face peace, for fear it would throw them out of power.

Overall, Rubin’s analysis of Syria’s politics is very detailed, but often one-note, and is skewed towards an image that offers no hope for a peaceful Syria under the Assads.  In fact, his argument that “tough diplomacy”–exemplified by Turkey massing for war with Syria to make Syria change its policies, but which includes economic and political sanctions–encourages more fighting.  The picture of Syria he creates is bleak, and like Princes of Darkness, encourages a dislike, distaste, and mistrust for the country and its rulers.  The Truth about Syria should be read with other books on Syria for comparisons on how the country works.  Rubin’s analysis is very consistent in condemning the Assad regime and any chances for peace, but one wonders how accurate his opinions are.

Update

The next set of reviews will focus on Syria.  Questions and comments are appreciated.

The Shi’is of Iraq is a comprehensive recent history of Shi’is in the country, focusing primarily on the past 200 years. Nakash painstakingly details their rising and falling fortunes in the economic and political realms.

The Shi’is of Iraq logically tackles certain issues concerning the Shi’is, including their political rise and fall, the individuals and systems which increased their influence, the importance of their religious practices, and their waning monetary and academic influence abroad.  Nakash’s research is extensive, and well-documents the activities of various Shi’i religious and political figures who attempted in increase their influence in Iraq, from controlling the flow of money from charities and corpse traffic, to shaping educational policies.  Nakash is also careful to articulate the restraints and influences on Shi’is from outside sources, including the creation of the Iraqi state and the political ambitions of Turkey and the Ottoman Empire.

Interestingly, Nakash’s analysis of the sudden surge in Shi’i numbers in Iraq focuses on the settlement of many nomadic tribes during the 19th century.  The Ottoman Empire forced many tribes to settle, and then Shi’i missionaries converted them over time.  The author posits that without the settlement programs, Shi’i numbers would never have been so high.  As a side bar, Nakash describes the changing cultural patterns that accompanied the shift from nomadic life to an agrarian one, including the growing power of the landowners and various middlemen who collected taxes and resolved disputes among the Shi’is.

Nakash’s text is a trove of information on Shi’i Arab cultural practices, including the emphasis on the Arab version of manliness during Ashura, which extol physical strength, courage, and honor, rather than self-sacrifice (as is emphasized in Iran).  The passages on the history of self-flagellation and cutting during Ashura are also fascinating, as they track the use of such rituals over time.  The manuscript methodically describes the rise and fall of the Shi’i centers of learning in Iraq, as well as the many mutjahids and political figures who swayed the relative power of these cities.

Nakash’s style presumes an academic audience, which makes it less accessible to those with a minimal background on Iraqi history.  Without some prior knowledge of important religious and political figures in Iraq, the many names and numbers Nakash references can make the text difficult to follow.  On the whole, it is a solid book for those moderately comfortable with Iraqi history, and provides plenty of sources for checking, as well as many points that could be argued or debated.

The Kurds is a journalist’s account of the ethnic group’s obstacles and triumphs, focusing on the latter part of the 20th century and the first few years of the 21st.  McKiernan’s extensive experience in the Kurdish-dominated regions of Iraq, and–to a lesser extent–their enclaves in Turkey, Syria, and Iran, provides a unique perspective on the isolated, resilient, and internally-divided people.

McKiernan frequently compares the situation of the Kurds, who have often been the victims of genocide and discrimination, to the situation of the Native Americans in America.  McKiernan centers this comparison around an armed uprising at the Wounded Knee battle site in the 1970s.   The comparisons are useful in illustrating how minority groups can resort to violence to assert their independence, but the problem of comparing two very different ethnic groups and cultural situations does limit its effectiveness in illuminating Kurdish motives. 

Where the manuscript shines is McKiernan’s descriptions of the land on which the Kurds live in Iraq, and their political and military struggles to recover from Saddam Hussein’s oppressive policies.  The Kurds in many ways are autonomous from the rest of Iraq, and more interested in forming their own country than uniting with their Arab neighbors.  They essentially governed themselves between 1991 and 2003.  As of the book’s publication in 2006, the Kurds in Iraq are still more interested in going their own way, rather than being Iraqi.  The countries bordering Iraq, who have substantial Kurdish populations, have taken violent measures over the years to ensure that their Kurds do not attempt to rise up.  Turkey and Iran, for instance, have frequently pitted one Kurdish political group against another, resulting in internecine bloodshed.  

At it’s heart, The Kurds is about a people who, though divided by national boundaries, have proven resilient in the face of oppression, genocide, and frequent betrayals.  While not romanticizing the Kurds, Catherwood holds a great deal of respect and empathy for them.  His descriptions of the complex maze of political, nonprofit, and paramilitary organizations, both local and international, that affect the  Kurds’ fortunes are invaluable, but appear limited in scope, despite his many interviews and sources. 

Most of the events described are McKiernan’s own experiences, coupled with information he picks up from various sources.  This format detracts from a larger narrative structure that could provide more insight about the Kurds.

Overall, The Kurds is a solid introduction to the politics of the ethnic group in Iraq, but does not delve extensively into the lives and situations of Kurds living in neighboring countries.  The book’s coverage of Kurdish customs and culture is present, but not at the forefront, and McKiernan also avoids much analysis of what he reports, which is unfortunate.  The book, at 361 pages, should have had more analysis, rather than stories and digressions into Native American oppression, that places the Kurds in a larger socio-political context.

Churchill’s Folly: How Winston Churchill Created Modern Iraq recounts the three years after World War I that saw the creation of the modern Iraqi state out of parts of the Ottoman Empire.  Catherwood’s analysis of those tumultuous years consists of frequent correspondence between the major actors involved in the carving up of the Middle East.  Specifically, the author tracks the selection of the territory involved, the selection of government, and the political tensions that led to Iraq’s formation.  Catherwood uses Churchill as the focus of the manuscript, as Churchill held–and fought for–the authority to manage the British Mandates in the Middle East, influencing their future for decades.

The text begins with the author frequent delving into speculations about the inaccuracies and controversies of historical texts.  After the initial diversions, Catherwood expertly weaves social and political issues together as events unfold.  He expertly describes the shifting relationships and tensions between Churchill and other politicians.  The parallels Catherwood describes between the “empire lite” version of the British occupation of Iraq and the American situation today is worth noting, as Catherwood consistently describes Churchill as being concerned about the costs of occupying Iraq, just as many Americans are today.

Also intriguing is Catherwood’s description of the installation of King Feisal as king of Iraq.  Though Feisal was not viewed as a legitimate leader while in power, the British considered him the cheapest solution.  That Feisal eventually broke ties with the British and snubbed them shows the extent to which the British blundered in installing him on the throne, for multiple reasons that are worth considering.   Most telling is Catherwood’s description of the “British solution” as not “address[ing] the fate of the inhabitants of the areas over which Britain ruled” and focusing solely on ruling with the least British expense possible (163).  Of the several facets of the “empire lite” philosophy is the status of the Kurds, an ethnic group scattered across Iraq and neighboring countries.  Catherwood goes into exhaustive detail about their status, historical oppression, and their actions since some of them were forcibly absorbed into Iraq. 

Catherwood, while he has a tendency to drift into speculation about what could have or might have happened, reconstructs a period vital to Iraq’s current struggle, including the inclusion of three disparate groups into one country.  His frequent references from primary sources of information are aptly chosen and mined throughly for their insights.  He also holds a great deal of respect for Churchill that colors his interpretation, but he is quick to point out Churchill’s colonialist impulses and the flaws of his policies.  Overall, Churchill’s Folly is a fascinating peek into a part of Iraq’s history that has ramifications into the present day.

The History of Nations: Iraq compiles book excerpts and political speeches on the history and evolution of the country.  The excerpts provide an academically-geared foundation, with appropriate sources for further research concerning Iraq.   

From pre-history through the early years of the American invasion of Iraq, the chapters are linked together with concise editorial introductions that provide the necessary context to understand the situations under discussion.  These are very helpful for those with a limited knowledge of Iraq. 

The chapter authors are journalists or Middle East experts.  The sections by former U.S. Presidents George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush and the influential Pan-Arabist writer Michel Aflaq are particularly interesting in that they provide voices to the ideologies that affected the course of Iraq’s history.  Whether one wants to read about ancient mesopotamian civilizations, religious tensions during the Iran-Iraq war, the rise and fall of Saddam Hussein, or an account of the British occupation of Iraq in the early 20th century, the text offers insight into all of these and more.

The History of Nations: Iraq is a well-edited compilation that provides a foundation for understanding the forces that have shaped and continue to shape the country.

Understanding Iraq quickly describes Iraq’s early history and the cultural patterns that define its people today.  Polk illustrates many historical instances that have come to define and inform Iraqi perceptions–including a justified paranoia about colonial ambitions from Western powers inherited from the British Mandate in the first part of the 20th century.  This is perhaps the manuscript’s strongest point.  On the other hand, Polk’s frequent forays into opinion weaken his analysis and the premise of the book as a history.

Polk’s argument is that the American invasion of Iraq has led to a repetition of British colonial mistakes.  Many American policies, including the drafting of a constitution that does not address the needs of Iraqis, installing pro-American officials, and controlling public policy decisions have left a sour taste in the mouths of Iraqis. 

Polk’s analysis in the last two chapters of the book is pointedly anti-Neo-Conservative.   Unfortunately, Polk’s objectivity as an author suffers from these opinions.  One cannot deny the fighting in Iraq was an outgrowth of popular dissatisfaction with the American occupation.  One may debate how much of the fighting is performed by locals vs. foreigners.  As he provides no citations for any of his arguments, and much of the latter part of the book seems laced with more opinion than fact, Polk undermines the soundness of his book.

Polk’s book is billed as a “whole sweep” of history of the country, and to that end, it provides major events in the region going back 6,000 years.  The book is not detailed enough to convey the intricacies of events, although they are useful for a groundwork of the country.  Far from a “whole sweep” however, like citation-heavy and meticulous historical work reviewed elsewhere on this blog, Polk’s history reads like Cliff’s Notes. 

Another disturbing trend in Polk’s text is the short shrift he gives to religion.  Although he mentions the Sunni were favored by the British, and describes the animosity that arose during and after the Iran-Iraq War, one would think religion was a footnote.  He describes Saddam Hussein’s Baath party as secular, when it was comprised of Sunni Muslims.  Thus,  many Shia were excluded from the circles of power and favoritism, increasing their hatred of Sunnis and Saddam.  Polk also downplays Hussein’s encouragement of militant Islam (to instill hatred in the West and keep the population from hating him) in the latter part of his rule.

Understanding Iraq exists as more political tract than history, and more opinion than fact.  While Polk has many apt insights into events in the country’s past that are accessible to readers, his analysis is flawed for the reasons highlighted above.  There are better one-book histories available.

Update

My next set of reviews will focus on Iraq.  As always, feedback is appreciated

Despite the sensationalist title and jacket text, Hatred’s Kingdom builds a compelling argument that links Saudi Arabia to the financing and promulgation of Wahhabism and the militant terrorism associated with that Islamic creed.

Gold’s analysis of the growth and spread of Wahhabism starts with the formation of the first Saudi state and continues through the modern day, including the waxing and waning influence of the religious establishment and the economic and political factors that encouraged or hindered their influence. 

Gold’s manuscript links the Kingdom to the harboring of Muslim Brotherhood members and other early extremist Islamic groups.  He posits that the extremists became more violent and intolerant as they received money, training, and exposure to Wahhabism. 

Gold’s text is very thorough in rooting out the major NGOs and individuals who directly or indirectly finance terrorism, and he devotes several pages to the NGOs branches that are located in the U.S. and their ties to terrorism. 

The manuscript is meticulously researched and consistently presented with a less ideological axe-grinding one would expect of one of Israel’s former Ambassadors to the U.N. and one of Benjamin Netanyahu’s former advisors.  The picture of Saudi Arabia that emerges unabashedly supports terrorism and an ideology that fuels further violence.  Gold’s suggestions for increased international pressure are not beyond the realm of possibility, but seem modest, if not somewhat naive of the political realities governing the major players.  Easily read, long to digest, Hatred’s Kingdom is a solid book for learning about Wahhabism and its roots, as well as its long reach.

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